Donald Trump is a 21st century Andrew Jackson. He mirrors his ascent to power and has been characterised almost identically by his opponents. Men like Trump and Jackson are evidence of a popular desire for powerful governance; people will ignore authoritarian tactics in search of an efficient leader.
While Jackson and Trump both presented themselves as defenders of common Americans, it is inaccurate to describe their politics as an appeal to the marginalised. Jackson was concerned with elevating a particular section of the American poor: the white male population. He was vehemently opposed to the abolition of slavery, owning slaves himself and believing it to be vital to the Southern economy. Jackson's rhetoric on economic issues sought to re-empower those who had lost property in the Panic of 1819. The Trump campaign of 2016 mirrored this style of populism immensely; in his announcement speech, he appealed to the unemployed, but he only specifically mentioned those who had lost their jobs to overseas manufacturing.
The 1820s saw the rise of Jacksonian democracy, a brand of populism fuelled by the expansion of voting rights and an increase in disdain for the elite, whether they be social, economic or political. Between 1789, beginning with Georgia, and 1856, ending with North Carolina, American states gradually abolished the property requirement for the franchise. By 1828, the presidential election in which Jackson would be elected, most states permitted all white males over the age of twenty-one to participate in electoral politics. In Jackson’s home state of North Carolina, 56.8% of adult white males voted in the presidential election of 1828, compared to 42.2% in 1824. After the Panic of 1819, a recession caused by subprime mortgages, anti-Bank sentiment began to grow. Public opinion of banks began to fall and public opinion of politicians who supported banks also fell. Andrew Jackson appealed to such belief, publicly criticising the Second Bank of the United States for contracting credit. Despite Adams’ centrist politics – a “Jeffersonian-federalist”, in the words of Margaret A. Hogan, Americans were unapproving of him. They primarily identified him as not representing the interest of Americans at large, viewing him primarily as a New Englander and the son of his Federalist father, John Adams.
Similarly, the 2010s saw the rise of right-wing populism and political participation in the United States and throughout the West. Right-wing populist parties such as the Sweden Democrats and the UK Independence Party rose to prominence, winning 17.5% and 12.6% of the vote at their peak, respectively. Although the United States has guaranteed political franchise irrespective of class, race and sex since the 1960s, voter participation is as significant a factor in elections as it was in the 1820s. Trump’s 2016 electoral victory was the consequence of an increase in voter turnout from white non-college-educated voters, particularly in states such as Florida (6.9 percentage point increase) and Pennsylvania (4.3 percentage point increase).
Figure 1: Turnout rates in the 2012 and 2016 election by race and education level in Pennsylvania. Image courtesy of the Center for American Progress
Figure 2: Turnout rates in the 2012 and 2016 elections by race and education level in Florida. Image courtesy of the Center for American Progress.
Numerous political theorists identify the Great Recession as a leading cause of right-wing populist movements like Trumpism. The Panic of 1819 and the Great Recession of the late 2000s share politically significant similarities. Both recessions resulted in a reduction in the number of manufacturing jobs and mass foreclosure of homes. In the context of voter bases, both recessions primarily hurt those who had previously held some economic status; home foreclosures do not hurt those who could never afford to buy a home and manufacturing job losses do not hurt those who were always unemployed. Jackson-Trump populism does not appeal to the poor at large, but rather specific sections of it. The combination of the two went on to result in a rise in anti-elite sentiment.
Trumpism replicates Jacksonian democracy in its political strategy. Both politicians attempted to portray their opponents and as members of Washington DC’s political class. Andrew Jackson’s 1828 campaign was not centred around policy proposals, but rather an attempt to paint himself as the champion of the American commoner. Jackson described the election as a “struggle between the virtue of the people and executive patronage.” In December 1827, pro-Jackson political actors were granted the opportunity to demarcate their opponents as elitists. John Quincy Adams had made one of his few public appearances, a ceremony in commemoration of the defence of Baltimore in the war of 1812. Upon being asked to offer a toast, he proposed, “Ebony and Topaz. General Ross’ posthumous coat of arms, and the republican militiamen who gave it.” Seeing the confusion in the crowd, Adams hastily explained that it was a reference to Voltaire’s Le Blanc et Le Noir. The Jacksonians rejoiced. Adams had shown himself to be a faux American, more engrossed in the high culture of foreign nations than that of America.
Similarly, Donald Trump’s 2016 political campaign sought to brand his opponent as an elitist. After Hillary Clinton’s comment that some of Trump’s supporters belonged to a “basket of deplorables”, Trump seized the opportunity to describe her as an elitist. In a speech to the National Guard Association of the United States, Trump stated that she had “viciously demonised…working-class families” and “patriotic Americans”. One month later in West Palm Beach, Trump accused the “Clinton machine” of being at the centre of a “global power structure that robbed our working class [and] stripped our country of its wealth.” Trump’s campaign relied on the characterisation of Hillary Clinton as a globalist, more concerned with the world at large than the United States.
A key component of Jacksonian politics was his characterisation, by supporters, as an effective leader, but as an authoritarian by political opponents. Andrew Jackson believed in empowering the executive branch and was thus fond of the presidential veto. He used it twelve times over the course of his administration, three more times than all six of his predecessors combined. In 1832, after vetoing a bill that would have empowered the Second Bank of the United States, Andrew Jackson was branded a tyrant by his detractors, with some pejoratively dubbing him King Andrew. In a cartoon distributed by his detractors, Jackson was depicted as a monarch, armed with a veto and trampling upon the Constitution (see Figure 3 below). Despite this, public confidence in Jackson remained strong. He went on to win a landslide Electoral College victory in November 1832, winning 219 of the 288 Electoral College votes and carrying most states outside of New England (see Figure 4 below).
Figure 3: Political cartoon produced around 1832. Author unknown.
Figure 4: Results of the 1832 Presidential elections. Image courtesy of the Wikimedia Commons.
Trumpism, as an heir to Jacksonian politics, shares this feature. Trump was frequently branded an authoritarian by critics. He spent the first years of his administration fighting accusations of collusion with the Russian government in the 2016 presidential election. Notably, Trump repeatedly discredited the validity of the investigation, labelling the idea of Russian interference a “hoax”. On the 18th of June 2018, TIME magazine’s cover pictured Trump staring into a mirror (see Figure 5). In the reflection, the artist Tim O’Brien had depicted him dressed as a monarch. Nevertheless, Trump’s most loyal supporters were not deterred by this, believing him to be their sole defender against “the global power structure.
Figure 5: 18th June 2018 edition of TIME magazine. Author: Tim O'Brien.
Most importantly, in the case of Trump, Trumpism replicates Jacksonian democracy in that they command unwavering loyalty from supporters. Jackson was not ousted from office, he voluntarily resigned. The victory of his nominee, Martin Van Buren, in the 1836 presidential election demonstrates that Jackson commanded considerable loyalty from the American people, even after his withdrawal from politics. Recent polling suggests that Trump retains the same favourability amongst Republican voters, despite the attack on the US Capitol and his second impeachment. A poll published in April 2021 found that 71% of Republicans believe that the election was stolen from Trump. Moreover, a poll from Morning Consult and Politico, published in February 2021, found that 53% of Republicans would vote for Trump if he were to run in the 2024 Republican presidential primary, a number far greater than any other Republican figure.
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| Image courtesy of Al Drago/The New York Times |
While Jackson and Trump both presented themselves as defenders of common Americans, it is inaccurate to describe their politics as an appeal to the marginalised. Jackson was concerned with elevating a particular section of the American poor: the white male population. He was vehemently opposed to the abolition of slavery, owning slaves himself and believing it to be vital to the Southern economy. Jackson's rhetoric on economic issues sought to re-empower those who had lost property in the Panic of 1819. The Trump campaign of 2016 mirrored this style of populism immensely; in his announcement speech, he appealed to the unemployed, but he only specifically mentioned those who had lost their jobs to overseas manufacturing.
The 1820s saw the rise of Jacksonian democracy, a brand of populism fuelled by the expansion of voting rights and an increase in disdain for the elite, whether they be social, economic or political. Between 1789, beginning with Georgia, and 1856, ending with North Carolina, American states gradually abolished the property requirement for the franchise. By 1828, the presidential election in which Jackson would be elected, most states permitted all white males over the age of twenty-one to participate in electoral politics. In Jackson’s home state of North Carolina, 56.8% of adult white males voted in the presidential election of 1828, compared to 42.2% in 1824. After the Panic of 1819, a recession caused by subprime mortgages, anti-Bank sentiment began to grow. Public opinion of banks began to fall and public opinion of politicians who supported banks also fell. Andrew Jackson appealed to such belief, publicly criticising the Second Bank of the United States for contracting credit. Despite Adams’ centrist politics – a “Jeffersonian-federalist”, in the words of Margaret A. Hogan, Americans were unapproving of him. They primarily identified him as not representing the interest of Americans at large, viewing him primarily as a New Englander and the son of his Federalist father, John Adams.
Similarly, the 2010s saw the rise of right-wing populism and political participation in the United States and throughout the West. Right-wing populist parties such as the Sweden Democrats and the UK Independence Party rose to prominence, winning 17.5% and 12.6% of the vote at their peak, respectively. Although the United States has guaranteed political franchise irrespective of class, race and sex since the 1960s, voter participation is as significant a factor in elections as it was in the 1820s. Trump’s 2016 electoral victory was the consequence of an increase in voter turnout from white non-college-educated voters, particularly in states such as Florida (6.9 percentage point increase) and Pennsylvania (4.3 percentage point increase).
Figure 1: Turnout rates in the 2012 and 2016 election by race and education level in Pennsylvania. Image courtesy of the Center for American Progress
Figure 2: Turnout rates in the 2012 and 2016 elections by race and education level in Florida. Image courtesy of the Center for American Progress.
Numerous political theorists identify the Great Recession as a leading cause of right-wing populist movements like Trumpism. The Panic of 1819 and the Great Recession of the late 2000s share politically significant similarities. Both recessions resulted in a reduction in the number of manufacturing jobs and mass foreclosure of homes. In the context of voter bases, both recessions primarily hurt those who had previously held some economic status; home foreclosures do not hurt those who could never afford to buy a home and manufacturing job losses do not hurt those who were always unemployed. Jackson-Trump populism does not appeal to the poor at large, but rather specific sections of it. The combination of the two went on to result in a rise in anti-elite sentiment.
Trumpism replicates Jacksonian democracy in its political strategy. Both politicians attempted to portray their opponents and as members of Washington DC’s political class. Andrew Jackson’s 1828 campaign was not centred around policy proposals, but rather an attempt to paint himself as the champion of the American commoner. Jackson described the election as a “struggle between the virtue of the people and executive patronage.” In December 1827, pro-Jackson political actors were granted the opportunity to demarcate their opponents as elitists. John Quincy Adams had made one of his few public appearances, a ceremony in commemoration of the defence of Baltimore in the war of 1812. Upon being asked to offer a toast, he proposed, “Ebony and Topaz. General Ross’ posthumous coat of arms, and the republican militiamen who gave it.” Seeing the confusion in the crowd, Adams hastily explained that it was a reference to Voltaire’s Le Blanc et Le Noir. The Jacksonians rejoiced. Adams had shown himself to be a faux American, more engrossed in the high culture of foreign nations than that of America.
Similarly, Donald Trump’s 2016 political campaign sought to brand his opponent as an elitist. After Hillary Clinton’s comment that some of Trump’s supporters belonged to a “basket of deplorables”, Trump seized the opportunity to describe her as an elitist. In a speech to the National Guard Association of the United States, Trump stated that she had “viciously demonised…working-class families” and “patriotic Americans”. One month later in West Palm Beach, Trump accused the “Clinton machine” of being at the centre of a “global power structure that robbed our working class [and] stripped our country of its wealth.” Trump’s campaign relied on the characterisation of Hillary Clinton as a globalist, more concerned with the world at large than the United States.
A key component of Jacksonian politics was his characterisation, by supporters, as an effective leader, but as an authoritarian by political opponents. Andrew Jackson believed in empowering the executive branch and was thus fond of the presidential veto. He used it twelve times over the course of his administration, three more times than all six of his predecessors combined. In 1832, after vetoing a bill that would have empowered the Second Bank of the United States, Andrew Jackson was branded a tyrant by his detractors, with some pejoratively dubbing him King Andrew. In a cartoon distributed by his detractors, Jackson was depicted as a monarch, armed with a veto and trampling upon the Constitution (see Figure 3 below). Despite this, public confidence in Jackson remained strong. He went on to win a landslide Electoral College victory in November 1832, winning 219 of the 288 Electoral College votes and carrying most states outside of New England (see Figure 4 below).
Figure 3: Political cartoon produced around 1832. Author unknown.
Figure 4: Results of the 1832 Presidential elections. Image courtesy of the Wikimedia Commons.
Trumpism, as an heir to Jacksonian politics, shares this feature. Trump was frequently branded an authoritarian by critics. He spent the first years of his administration fighting accusations of collusion with the Russian government in the 2016 presidential election. Notably, Trump repeatedly discredited the validity of the investigation, labelling the idea of Russian interference a “hoax”. On the 18th of June 2018, TIME magazine’s cover pictured Trump staring into a mirror (see Figure 5). In the reflection, the artist Tim O’Brien had depicted him dressed as a monarch. Nevertheless, Trump’s most loyal supporters were not deterred by this, believing him to be their sole defender against “the global power structure.
Figure 5: 18th June 2018 edition of TIME magazine. Author: Tim O'Brien.
Most importantly, in the case of Trump, Trumpism replicates Jacksonian democracy in that they command unwavering loyalty from supporters. Jackson was not ousted from office, he voluntarily resigned. The victory of his nominee, Martin Van Buren, in the 1836 presidential election demonstrates that Jackson commanded considerable loyalty from the American people, even after his withdrawal from politics. Recent polling suggests that Trump retains the same favourability amongst Republican voters, despite the attack on the US Capitol and his second impeachment. A poll published in April 2021 found that 71% of Republicans believe that the election was stolen from Trump. Moreover, a poll from Morning Consult and Politico, published in February 2021, found that 53% of Republicans would vote for Trump if he were to run in the 2024 Republican presidential primary, a number far greater than any other Republican figure.
Trump and Jackson both commanded the loyalty of their supporters, driving them to the voting booths in rejection of the political class. The short-lived but impactful Trump presidency is an important lesson in politics. Trump's rapid ascendancy demonstrates that, above all else, people have an appetite for effective government. If that necessitates authoritarian rhetoric, the people will gladly oblige.
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